Search

By 1940, Minnesota was known as one the most cooperative-minded states in the Union. More than 600 cooperative creameries, 150 township mutual fire insurance companies, hundreds of rural telephone associations, and 270 farmers' elevators were proof of the power of economic cooperation, and they made Minnesota into a "cooperative commonwealth."

"In June 1854, to celebrate completion of the first railroad to reach the Mississippi River, the owners of the Chicago & Rock Island invited hundreds of shareholders, bondholders, notables, and fashionables to travel by rail to Rock Island, Illinois, and from there by steamboat to St. Anthony Falls in fledgling Minnesota ... Relying largely on the excursionists' own accounts of the roundtrip journey, Steven Keillor's portrait of a week in the lives of this microcosm of antebellum society captures the prevailing sectionalism, the railroad-driven economy, reform movements, the ongoing literary renaissance, westward expansion, the second-party system, the postmillennial optimism and pre-Darwinian religious fervor, the gradually changing notions of gender and class, and the romantic idealism of this period before realism." -- jacket.

Norwegian-born Knute Nelson was the first Scandinavian-American politician to attain national prominence as a U.S. senator.

What's wrong with stealing? What's the best way to blood test a pot-bellied pig? Should we tolerate intolerance? In the wake of his enormously popular books, The Armchair Economistand More Sex is Safer Sex, Steven Landsburg uses concepts from maths, economics and physics to address the big questions in philosophy: Where does knowledge come from? What's the difference between right and wrong? Do our beliefs matter? Is it possible to know everything? Provocative, utterly entertaining and always surprising, The Big Questions challenges readers to re-evaluate their most fundamental beliefs and reveals the relationship between the loftiest philosophical quests and our everyday lives.

Anabaptists and Mennonites have often been the subject of media scrutiny: sometimes admired, at other times maligned. Luther called them schwarmar, a German word meaning "fanatics" that alludes to a swarm of bees. In contrast, American independent film producer John Sayles drew inspiration from Mennonite conscientious objectors for his 1987 award-winning film, Matewan. Voltaire's Candide features a virtuous Anabaptist. Oscar Wilde's play The Importance of Being Earnest contains an Anabaptist reference. An Anabaptist chaplain is central to Joseph Heller's antiwar classic, Catch-22. President Lincoln and General Stonewall Jackson both had something to say about Mennonites. Garrison Keillor tells Mennonite jokes. These are just a few of the dozens of fascinating media references, dating from the early 1500s through the present, which are chronicled and analyzed here. Mennonites, although often considered media-shy, have in fact used media to great advantage in shaping their faith and identity. Beginning with the Martyrs Mirror, this book examines the writings of Mennonite authors John Howard Yoder, Donald Kraybill, Rudy Wiebe, Rhoda Janzen, and Malcolm Gladwell. Citing books, film, art, theater, and Ngram, the online culturomic tool developed by Harvard University and Google, the author demonstrates that Mennonites "punch above their weight class" in the media, and especially in print.

Examining United States history from Columbus to Clinton, Steven J. Keillor disabuses us of the notion that our nation has ever been a genuinely "Christian" one. He focuses on various political, economic and cultural policies or events (the Civil War, westward expansion) that are now often cited to "disprove" or "debunk" Christianity.

What do God's judgments have to do with history? Using historical events, Steven J. Keillor pursues the thesis that divine judgment can be a fruitful category for historical investigation, and that Christianity is an interpretation of history more than a worldview or philosophy.

Among the most enduring themes in American history is the idea that the United States was founded as a Christian nation. A pervasive narrative in everything from school textbooks to political commentary, it is central to the way in which many Americans perceive the historical legacy of their nation. Yet, as Steven K. Green shows in this illuminating new book, it is little more than a myth. In Inventing a Christian America, Green, a leading historian of religion and politics, explores the historical record that is purported to support the popular belief in America's religious founding and status as a Christian nation. He demonstrates that, like all myths, these claims are based on historical "facts" that have been colored by the interpretive narratives that have been imposed upon them. In tracing the evolution of these claims and the evidence levied in support of them from the founding of the New England colonies, through the American Revolution, and to the present day, he investigates how they became leading narratives in the country's collective identity. Three critical moments in American history shaped and continue to drive the myth of a Christian America: the Puritan founding of New England, the American Revolution and the forging of a new nation, and the early years of the nineteenth century, when a second generation of Americans sought to redefine and reconcile the memory of the founding to match their religious and patriotic aspirations. Seeking to shed light not only on the veracity of these ideas but on the reasons they endure, Green ultimately shows that the notion of America's religious founding is a myth not merely in the colloquial sense, but also in a deeper sense, as a shared story that gives deeper meaning to our collective national identity. Offering a fresh look at one of the most common and contested claims in American history, Inventing a Christian America is an enlightening read for anyone interested in the story of-and the debate over-America's founding.

By 1940, Minnesota was known as one the most cooperative-minded states in the Union. More than 600 cooperative creameries, 150 township mutual fire insurance companies, hundreds of rural telephone associations, and 270 farmers' elevators were proof of the power of economic cooperation, and they made Minnesota into a "cooperative commonwealth."