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Miriam Schader shows that migrants can use religion as a resource for political involvement in their (new) country of residence – but under certain circumstances only. The author analyses the role religious networks and symbols play for the politicization and participation of Muslim and Christian migrants from sub-Saharan Africa in Berlin and Paris. Against the widely held belief that Islam is a ’political religion’ in itself, this study demonstrates that Christian migrants draw on their religion for political action more easily than their Muslim counterparts. It also highlights that it is not religion in general which helps migrants get politically active, but particular forms of religious organisations and particular theological elements.

While migrant religion is often portrayed as an obstacle to democratic participation, this thesis raises the question whether religion can be a resource for the political involvement of migrants. Based on interviews made in Berlin and the Parisian agglomeration, the religious and political engagement of migrants from Sub-Saharan Africa is analysed. For methodological reasons, the main focus is on religious organisations in Berlin. A formal analysis of networks of African secular, Muslim and Christian organisations in Berlin shows that Christian networks are the densest and most encompassing, whereas Muslims are almost isolated. For Christian organisations, religion is an organisational and a symbolic resource for unity, cooperation, and for increasing their leaders' capacity to act. Also, their religious networks provide access to resources such as premises or support by the non-migrant population. The hermeneutic analysis of the interview material reveals that, while their legitimacy is based on religion, the federations set up by African Christians in Berlin are explicitly political in their outlook and get involved politically. Also, Christian migrants draw on their religion as a symbolic resource to revalorise an African identity in a context often marked by disrespect and discrimination. Muslims do not seem to have the same option.The comparison between the two cities, however, demonstrates that there are significant differences between the two contexts and between religions and confessions. This leads to the conclusion that religion may be an organisational and a symbolic resource for the political involvement of migrants, but under certain circumstances only.

Globale Migrations- und Fluchtbewegungen prägen gegenwärtig politische, gesellschaftliche und wissenschaftliche Debatten. Bildete Europa am Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs eine der größten flüchtlingsgenerierenden Regionen, steht es heute vor allem als Ziel weltweiter Migration im Fokus. Der Sammelband bietet auf aktuellem Forschungsstand ein breites Panorama an zeithistorischen, politik- und sozialwissenschaftlichen Beiträgen. Sie diskutieren kontroverse Begriffe wie »Arbeits- und Wirtschaftsmigration«, »Zwangsmigration« und »politische Flucht«, analysieren Netzwerke, Infrastrukturen und Akteure verschiedener Migrationsregime und fragen nach Konzepten und Praktiken politischer Steuerung. Mit Fallbeispielen zu Europa, Nord-, Mittel- und Südamerika, zu Afrika, Asien und dem Nahen Osten vom Zweiten Weltkrieg bis in die Gegenwart leistet der Band einen fundierten und facettenreichen Beitrag zu einem hochaktuellen Forschungsfeld.