Reforming NATO's Partnerships
"Issues and Conclusions Reforming NATO's Partnerships Since 1994, NATO has created partnerships as an institutional framework for its relations with countries that cannot or do not want to become Alliance members. In the past 20 years, the circle of countries involved has become ever larger, the associated agenda ever more heterogeneous, and the goals pursued by NATO ever more diverse. The institutional proliferation of partnerships contrasts increasingly with what is potentially expected of them. The existing formats are now overdue for an effectiveness check so that they can be prioritised politically. The Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (EAPC) groups together twelve post-Soviet states, among others. NATO has supported them in reforming their respective security sectors in line with western standards and bringing them closer to the Alliance. The forum also includes Austria, Finland, Ireland and Sweden, non-allied states that need no assistance with their domestic transformation. What matters to them is the security cooperation with NATO. The countries of the Mediterranean Dialogue (MD) - Egypt, Algeria, Israel, Jordan, Morocco, Mauretania and Tunisia - were meant to receive NATO support primarily for cooperating with each other on security policy. In turn, this was intended to contribute to regional security. For a number of political reasons, however, the Dialogue has been only a limited success. The Istanbul Cooperation Initiative (ICI), which aspired to intra-regional cooperation between Bahrain, Qatar, Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates, has likewise limped along. Saudi Arabia and Oman have been invited to join this forum, but have so far stood apart. Finally, there is Partners across the Globe (PATG), consisting of countries that, for various reasons, are strategically important to NATO or have extensively contributed to its operations: Afghanistan, Australia, Iraq, Japan, Mongolia, New Zealand, Pakistan and South Korea. Alongside this, there are consultations with India and China that to date have been informal. Special committees that handle relations with Georgia, Russia and the Ukraine - all of which are already members of the EAPC - complete the partnership picture. Finally, NATO's summit in 2014 created further partnership formats in the Partnership Interoperability Initiative (PII) and the Defence and related Security Capacity Building Initiative (DCB), whose functions overlap to some extent with already existing formats. Most recently, two developments have attracted sustained attention to the NATO partnerships. First, NATO's transformative potential and its experience in reforming national security sectors seem to be transferable to other regions. Such was the hope expressed during the wave of transformations in North Africa and the Middle East in 2011, as well as for Ukraine and Georgia. Current efforts to support Tunisia in reforming its security policy underline this approach. Second, for political and financial reasons, NATO will only be able or willing to carry out fewer crisis-management operations in the coming years than to date. However, crises and conflicts necessitating a NATO intervention can still be expected to occur on the Euro-Atlantic periphery. It is likely to be the rule, rather than the exception, that such operations will be jointly planned and carried out with partners from outside the Alliance. Only a few years ago, this would have applied exclusively to international crisis management; given the crisis in the Euro-Atlantic security order, however, it could now also be the case in collec-tive defence. Against this backdrop, NATO will need to reorganise its partnership policy. This should be based on a shared idea of how to order political priorities and institu-tional forms of cooperation, even though political considerations may differ greatly from case to case. The study is intended to contribute to this reorganisation process by analysing two key questions: a) What priorities should NATO members set in designing the partnership formats, given the most recent developments in the security environment? Should the focus be on transforming partner countries, or on their security cooperation with each other, or on "strengthening" them according to the Alliance's terms? Should the level of cooperation be measured in terms of the operative usefulness to NATO or the Alliance's potential influence in a specific region? b) What institutional formats can be derived from these priorities? A whole spectrum of reorganisation models can be imagined. NATO members could keep the existing structure unchanged because they assume that it is logical to use different formats for different security policy interests. Or else they might discard the current formats to make room for a complete restructuring.