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Since the early 2000s, almost every great, middle and even small power has developed a tendency to deepen their relations in the Asia-Pacific region. This tendency is also valid regarding international and regional organizations. In addition to state actors, non-state and even sub-state actors have assigned a certain value to this region in their strategic calculations. With such a tilt, Asia-Pacific actors have become a focal point of global politics. The increasing significance of the region has been boosted by the rising Asian powers, such as China, India, Japan, Australia, South Korea, and Indonesia. With all this dynamism, extra-regional actors have increased their economic, political, strategic, and cultural investments in Asia-Pacific. This rise in the region’s multileveled value has led regionalism-oriented IR researchers to develop the concept of the Asian Century. Türkiye has a peculiar position and significance in this regard combining the West and the non-West in many respects. Unlike the Cold War and early-post Cold War times, the world, especially the Asia-Pacific “world” is not composed of only two vectors, the West and the non-West, but several spanning into a variety of directions. This multi-vectorial reality of inter-non/-state affairs fits into Türkiye’s ambitions in its foreign policy. The Cold War label of Türkiye, i.e., the staunch ally of the West, is no longer completely valid. Türkiye of today is much more than that. The Western alliance is only an aspect of Türkiye whose substance has been amalgamated by Ankara’s developing relations with other regions and sub-regions of the globe including Asia-Pacific. Türkiye’s search for political-strategic clout in other regions has led Ankara to conceptualize and announce the most comprehensive and official foreign policy approach towards the Asia-Pacific region yet, known as the Asia Anew Initiative. This shows that Türkiye is not an exception to the above-stated powers that gave this region a central place in their strategic calculations. The initiative is predominantly multifaceted at its core, which aims to eliminate the asymmetries between Türkiye and Asian actors in both strategic and commercial terms. By increasing the engagement and cooperation with these actors, Türkiye aims to utilize its advantage in the sectors that it has considerable advantages in, such as tourism, conventional defense technology, and construction together with the ones in which it has emerging improvement, such as high-tech, finance, infrastructure, and energy transport. Türkiye’s additional connotation regarding Asia-Pacific is in geocultural terms. Due to its historical and religious background, Türkiye has many ties with Pakistan, Bangladesh, South Korea, Muslim communities of India, and to an extent Afghanistan. This has been an important channel that Turkish state and non-state actors have experienced in deepening their relations in the region. Türkiye’s soft power and diplomacy have also utilized such cultural affinity. Links tracing back to the 15th century of the Ottoman era has aided Türkiye’s influence in South and Southeast Asia. A clear empirical indication of such influence is the popularity of Turkish culture/history-oriented television serials within these communities. Thus, geocultural impact not only boosts Türkiye’s visibility and weight in the region but also helps it to be relevant in the non-Western and multiple directional vectors of the Asia-Pacific politico-economic fabric. An additional element of Türkiye’s engagement in the region is that it tries to utilize almost any type of “-lateralism.” i.e., multilateralism, minilateralism, and bilateralism. Ankara is trying to be a member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and has put forward its intention to join the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. It has also created MIKTA, a transregional partnership grouping, with its like-minded partners from the region. More importantly, it has been developing a whole range of bilateralisms with Asia-Pacific countries regardless of their power statuses. Another very significant element of Türkiye’s engagement with the region is its focus on Asia-Pacific communities. Various Turkish state institutions, the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TİKA), the Presidency of Religious Affairs (Diyanet), and the Türkiye scholarships program of the Presidency for Turks Abroad and Related Communities (YTB) have been developing Türkiye’s people-to-people links through strategic and sustainable communication and promoting the country’s national brand. Although there is an obvious increase in Türkiye’s engagement with Asia-Pacific it is still early to assert its prominence in the region. However, this is not only a result of Türkiye’s current capabilities but the parameters of competition that must be navigated, with the global powers competing and cooperating in the region. Türkiye in this sense would require more cooperative patterns with like-minded powers, to increase its influence and boost its partners’ strength. Asia-Pacific is not a hassle-free region and currently Türkiye has a limited impact in this challenging ecosystem. On the other hand, developing multifaceted relations, especially with culturally and historically proximate sub-regions, will increase Türkiye’s visibility and impact. With the above-stated awareness and engagements, Türkiye’s visibility and economic significance in the Asia-Pacific will significantly increase over time. One very formidable catalyst for this would be its cultural and historical ties with Central Asia, South Asia, and Southeast Asia, which have already been transforming into commercial and political-strategic outcomes. The current edition of Insight Turkey is dedicated to the exploration of bilateral relations between Türkiye and Far Eastern countries, within the context of the Asia Anew Initiative. The winter issue features a commentary and six research articles on this subject, providing a comprehensive analysis of the topic. Moreover, the issue includes four off-topic comments and two research articles that lie outside the main theme. Among these, two articles shed light on the current Gaza genocide, ongoing since October 7. The commentary section opens with a perceptive analysis by Nuh Yılmaz on Türkiye’s foreign policy toward Asia. In his commentary, Yılmaz examines Türkiye’s general perspective on the Asian continent and discusses the basic dynamics of the initiative. According to his analysis, there has been a significant shift in the global balance of power, with Atlantic Asia emerging as a rising force in, politics, military, culture, and especially in economy. This transformation of the Asian continent prompted Türkiye to launch the Asia Anew Initiative in 2019, which presents a comprehensive and systematic vision for Asia. Yılmaz delves into Türkiye’s general perspective on the Asian continent and the key dynamics of this initiative. Furthermore, the initial research article, authored by Gürol Baba as the guest editor, centers on Türkiye’s strategies and its Asia Anew Initiative. Through his work, Baba endeavors to illustrate that within the Asian framework, Türkiye has the capability to not only be pragmatic but also achieve efficiency by implementing a diverse foreign policy approach. He argues that Türkiye’s application of multi-vectorism to its foreign policy in Asia is more successful than multilateralism or minilateralism policies. This is because there is much more than the two traditional vectors (West and non-West) due to the current intra-regional fragmentations and deviations in Asia. Baba embodied the success of bilateral relations in Asia by giving examples from some countries. Following Baba’s outline of Türkiye’s approach to its Asian policy, the second research article, penned by Mujib Alam, delves into the complex nature of Türkiye-India relations between 2000 and 2023. Alam’s analysis spans diplomatic, economic, scientific, and cultural exchanges, offering a comprehensive view of their bilateral engagements. Despite different stances on issues such as Kashmir and Cyprus, Alam points out a trend towards improvement in relations, especially economic relations and cultural exchanges, driven by the foreign policy trends of the ruling parties of the two countries. The third research article by Kohei Imai examines the bilateral relations between Türkiye and Japan, which will soon celebrate their 100th anniversary in 2024. Imai delves into the historical relationship between the two nations, which while positive, lacked a tangible cooperative partnership. He carefully considers the diplomatic challenges and public perspectives that Japan encounters, and identifies opportunities for both countries to pursue more practical collaborations moving forward. In the next research article, Alaeddin Tekin and Arshad Islam focus on Malaysia, shedding light on Türkiye’s relationship with another Southeast Asian country. In research articles based on primary sources, including Ottoman and Turkish archives as well as Bahasa Melayu and English materials, Tekin and Islam aim to investigate historical and current relations between Turks and Malays. Another research article on the subject, written by Yunhee Kim, tries to examine veteran diplomacy through the example of Türkiye and draws from the different historical examples of the Korean War. Claiming that veteran diplomacy can be used as an opportunity to expand South Korea’s soft power in the new public diplomacy era of the 21st century, Kim also argues that this diplomacy paves the way for security cooperation in the context of Türkiye-South Korea relations. Ali Akkemik, who deals with Türkiye’s relations with East Asia from the economic dimension, in the next research article, states that their economic relations have undergone a significant structural change in the last twenty years. According to Akkemik, while Japan previously dominated Türkiye’s trade with East Asia and the flow of direct foreign investment from East Asia to Türkiye, recently, both South Korea and China have surpassed Japan as Türkiye’s main trading partners in East Asia and have caught up with Japan in terms of foreign investments in Türkiye. Moreover, in this issue, we address the grave humanitarian crisis stemming from the conflict in Gaza. Specifically, two commentaries focus on the tragic events unfolding since October 7. Nkosi Zwelivelile Mandelsizwe Dalibhunga Mandela offers an analysis of South Africa’s response to Israel’s actions against the Palestinian people, focusing on their legal recourse at the International Court of Justice. He draws comparisons between Israel’s treatment of Palestinians and South Africa’s apartheid era, underscoring the deep ties of solidarity between these communities and the essential role of global unity, accountability, and concerted efforts in promoting justice and equality. Additionally, Norma Hashim provides a unique perspective by focusing on the plight of prisoners and hostages in Gaza, arguing that Palestinian prisoners are central to the narrative of the genocide initiated on October 7. She delves into their importance within the Palestinian national movement and shares the personal stories of some of these prisoners, highlighting their significance in the context of the ongoing crisis in Gaza. In other off-topic commentary, Sönmez Ateşoğlu has written a commentary as a continuation of the research article, “Economic Power and International Security,” he previously published in Insight Turkey. While Nancy Snow has provided a commentary in which she discusses the national brand of Japan, where she lived for many years. In his previously published research article, Ateşoğlu explains in detail the impact of economic power on international security and the connection between economic and military power, but claims that the security dimension is not sufficiently addressed. Therefore, in this commentary, the author aims to explain the impact of military power on international security, especially in the context of Türkiye, and how a state can achieve its security goals by using military force. On the other hand, Nancy Snow explores the evolution of Japan’s national brand, analyzing the transition from historical isolation to its current global recognition, especially under the influence of Shinzo Abe’s policies. The winter issue broadens its scope with two research articles that venture beyond the main theme. Blerim Sallahu’s contribution opens this segment with an in-depth exploration of the modalities for acquiring citizenship in Kosovo. Following this, Kemal İnat and Burhanettin Duran assess the Ukrainian war’s profound repercussions on the global order, scrutinizing the intricate position and consequential influence of Türkiye –situated uniquely as both a neighbor to Russia and an ally of the U.S.– within this complex geopolitical landscape. This latest special edition of Insight Turkey meticulously explores the evolving dynamics of Türkiye’s engagement with East Asia under the ambit of the Asia Anew Initiative. This edition is distinguished by a series of foundational articles that provide a thorough overview of the initiative, alongside in-depth analyses of Türkiye’s bilateral relationships with key Asian nations. We trust that the comprehensive discussions and diverse perspectives presented in this issue will offer our readers valuable insights and deepen their understanding of the intricate geopolitical landscape.

This book focuses on the contemporary situation in the Eastern Mediterranean, which has become one of the main spotlights of international politics. Especially after the discovery of hydrocarbon resources, the Eastern Mediterranean has been in the agenda of both regional and global powers. While regional actors such as Egypt, Israel, and Greece are attempting political maneuvers in order to benefit from the hydrocarbon resources, international actors such as the United States and Russia have become increasingly more engaged in the affairs of the region. In response to emerging partnerships and coalitions, Turkey, which has the longest shore in the Eastern Mediterranean, has adopted a pro-active policy to defend its rights and interests. This book examines political, legal, and economic dimensions of the Eastern Mediterranean and brings a new insight to the recent developments and the Turkey’s policy in the region.

The United Nations has been facing reform proposals ever since its inception in 1945. Lengthy discussions and negotiations on the proposals have taken place in the General Assembly, but only a handful of them were ever approved. The majority of such proposals, especially touching on the composition and power of the UNSC members, remained academic brainstorming. This does not, by any means, downgrade the significance of the efforts as the UN system fails dramatically in preventing some serious global problems of protecting peace and security, as well as preventing systematic human rights violations and hunger globally. Recent years have witnessed increasing demands toward reforming the UN following striking failures, especially in protecting peace and security. This book brings together some analyses of UN reform proposals in general and some proposals that come from the states that form regional groups to reflect their commonalities and communalities in the process.

This book analyzes various aspects of the presidential system of government in Turkey. It provides a detailed summary of the public debate on the transformation of Turkey’s political system along with the arguments made by advocates and opponents of change. At the same time, it concentrates on the constitutional design of the country’s new system of government, which was jointly introduced by the AK Party and the MHP and adopted in the April 16, 2017 constitutional referendum. It also analyzes the impact of presidentialism on political life in Turkey. The book concentrates on the transformation of the political system with the April 16, 2017 referendum along with its timing, approach to political law, democratic criteria, and content. Additionally, the political and practical reasons for Turkey’s adoption of the executive presidency model are explained from a historical perspective. The discussions about system change and the mandate of the legislative branch in the lead-up to the April 16, 2017 constitutional referendum are evaluated. Furthermore, the potential contributions of Turkey’s transition to presidentialism to the transformation of the Turkish bureaucracy are analyzed. Lastly, arrangements made under the new system regarding the judiciary are systematically addressed.

As 2024 concludes, it stands as a culmination of the seismic shifts and tensions that have tested the very foundations of the international system. Amid unprecedented developments, Türkiye reaffirmed its role as an established and prominent player, embodying a foreign policy that is multilayered, multiaxial, and multidimensional, even as the international system was constantly tested. At its core, Türkiye’s foreign policy approach is humanitarian, earning it the reputation of being the guardian of the vulnerable and the protector of the voiceless. Beyond the ongoing genocide in Gaza, the international system witnessed defining moments such as the abrupt death of Iran’s top officials in a helicopter crash and the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime in Syria. The re-election of Donald Trump as President of the United States further underscored the year’s unpredictability. Additionally, elections in approximately 70 countries, encompassing half the world’s population, saw incumbent parties faltering under public dissatisfaction with economic disruptions and the lingering effects of the pandemic, paving the way for far-right populist movements. The return of Trump signaled a marked shift in U.S. foreign policy. His expected “America First! 2.0” protectionist stance and tax cuts raised concerns about the future of multilateralism and global trade, leaving European countries bracing for potential economic ramifications. Meanwhile, the ousting of Assad, after decades of autocratic rule marked by atrocities committed against civilians, signaled the end of an era and the beginning of a new dawn for Syria, one fraught with both challenges and opportunities for the nation’s future. Nonetheless, on a broader scale, global instability defined the year 2024. In Europe, domestic crises resulted in governmental collapses in Germany and France, while South Korea experienced significant political turmoil following a failed attempt to impose martial law. The ongoing war in Ukraine and the genocide in Gaza further strained the international system, exposing the fragility of democratic institutions and the continued erosion of multilateral norms. These profound challenges underscore the pressing need for a reimagined and resilient global governance framework capable of addressing the complexities of an increasingly volatile World. As it has always been a pivotal actor in promoting regional stability and peace, Türkiye continued to assume a leading role in efforts to stabilize the region. With Assad’s regime toppled, Ankara positioned itself as a key player in Syria’s reconstruction including plans to provide electricity and collaborate on hydrocarbon projects, signaling Türkiye’s intent to integrate Syrian energy infrastructure into its sphere. Concurrently, Türkiye brought to the table initiatives for a maritime demarcation agreement with Syria, reinforcing Ankara’s leadership in regional stability. Relations with Israel reached a critical point amidst Türkiye’s unequivocal condemnation of the genocide in Gaza. Since the Operation al-Aqsa Flood, Israeli aggression has resulted in over 44,000 civilian casualties, including more than 16,000 children, 105,000 injured and with many others facing famine, sickness, and a lack of essential resources under relentless bombardment. Türkiye, under the leadership of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, has consistently advocated for a two-state solution to ensure dignity and freedom for the Palestinian people, while persistently calling for an end to the ongoing genocide. However, the global community, including many of the world’s “so-called” democracies, failed to support Türkiye’s peace proposals and calls for halting the genocide. Despite this, Türkiye’s principled stance resonated at the United Nations Headquarters, the Security Council, and across the globe. In November, Türkiye severed all its diplomatic ties with Israel, a decisive move that underscored its strong alignment with international law, humanitarian principles, and moral values, prompted by Israel’s unwillingness to end the genocide in Gaza. In 2024, Türkiye’s humanitarian diplomacy continued its longstanding expansion beyond its immediate neighborhood. In Africa, Ankara further reinforced its influence through ongoing mediation efforts, infrastructure investments, and cultural diplomacy. By exporting cutting-edge drone technology, Türkiye has bolstered its strategic foothold. Simultaneously, educational scholarships and media outreach have bolstered Türkiye’s position as an equal partner, emphasizing cooperation in contrast to the traditional asymmetric approaches of ex-colonial Western powers toward the region. As a result of Türkiye’s multiaxial foreign policy, Ankara adeptly balanced its NATO commitments with independent initiatives, reflecting its ability to navigate the complexities of an evolving global order. Türkiye’s multiaxial approach, engaging with both the West and East, as well as the North and South, demonstrated a nuanced and adaptive strategy that reinforced its position as a central actor in international relations. This approach allowed Ankara to foster robust relations with key global players across diverse political and economic blocks while maintaining a steadfast commitment to regional and global stability and cooperation. By strategically aligning its defense, diplomatic, and economic policies, Türkiye advanced its influence and credibility on the global stage, showcasing its ability to contribute to resolving international challenges and ensuring a balanced and inclusive approach to global governance. For Türkiye, 2024 was a year of assertiveness and proactive diplomacy. Leveraging geopolitical shifts, Türkiye amplified its influence on regional and global stages. Its strategic vision seamlessly blended humanitarianism with calculated diplomacy, offering a beacon of hope amid global turbulence. As the world transitions to 2025, Türkiye’s foreign policy underscores the responsibility for redefining her role, standing as a symbol of resilience and inspiration. As the guardian of the vulnerable and the protector of the voiceless, Türkiye remains as a ‘beacon of hope,’ not only for the neighboring region but for the entire world. Within this framework, this issue of Insight Turkey seeks to address many of these topics, offering in-depth analyses to enhance our understanding not only of Turkish foreign policy but also of the regional and global dynamics in which Türkiye plays a pivotal role. In recent years, public diplomacy has become a central pillar of Türkiye’s foreign policy, particularly since the establishment of the Directorate of Communications in 2018. Therefore, understanding Türkiye’s approach to public diplomacy is crucial. In his research article, Oğuz Güner provides a comprehensive analysis of Türkiye’s public diplomacy ecosystem. He delves into its practices, explores the transformative impact of institutionalization, and examines the concept of nation branding as a key component of this evolution. In the same vein, Ali Çiçek and Ali Asker argue that while Türkiye has achieved significant success in its public diplomacy efforts, the time has come for Türkiye and Azerbaijan —united by the deeply rooted concept of “one nation, two states,” reflected in public opinion and their cooperative endeavors— to expand their strategic partnership into the sphere of public diplomacy. Çiçek and Asker explore how Türkiye can share its public diplomacy expertise with Azerbaijan and examine the potential for collaborative public diplomacy initiatives between the two nations. As mentioned earlier, defense continues to be a critical domain in Turkish foreign policy due to its strategic significance. In this context, Recep Şehitoğlu and İbrahim Karataş offer a fresh perspective in their article, arguing that the rise of Türkiye’s defense sector has contributed to establishing a form of Pax Turka in certain conflicts. They suggest that as the Turkish defense industry develops more advanced weaponry, the influence of Pax Turka could become increasingly pronounced, particularly in parts of the region. Their study further predicts that the scope of Pax Turka may expand significantly by the 2030s. The Kurdish Question has long been a pivotal element in Türkiye’s domestic affairs, with significant implications for its foreign policy. While this issue is analyzed in detail regarding the current government’s policies, there is a noticeable gap in the discussion concerning the stance of opposition parties, particularly the CHP. Addressing this gap, Halime Kökçe and Ramazan Akkır’s article examines and compares the policies of two CHP leaders, namely Deniz Baykal and Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu. They argue that during Baykal’s tenure, the CHP’s approach to the Kurdish Question was largely shaped by concerns about protecting the regime. In contrast, under Kılıçdaroğlu, the party’s stance shifted to focus more on the socio-economic challenges faced by Kurds, marking a partial departure from nationalist policies. The growing importance of Türkiye in regional and global affairs has become particularly evident in the context of the Russia-Ukraine war, where it has emerged as a key actor striving to end the conflict through various initiatives. This issue of Insight Turkey focuses on this topic with both a commentary and a research article. Specifically, Barış Çağlar’s commentary emphasizes that the true adversary in the Russia-Ukraine conflict is not any specific nation or faction but the looming threat of nuclear war, arguing that preventing nuclear escalation must be the foremost priority. The author also highlights how Türkiye, by promoting dialogue and facilitating peace negotiations, exemplifies a strategic and alternative approach to conflict resolution, one that seeks not only to prevent further escalation but also to lay the groundwork for lasting peace. On the other hand, Merve Suna Özel Özcan, in her qualitative study, examines the mediating role of militarist and internationalist sentiments in shaping the relationship between the personal values of Turkish society and their attitudes toward the war in Ukraine. This issue of Insight Turkey also places significant emphasis on developments in the Middle East, particularly the events in Palestine and Iran’s policies. Within this framework, the commentaries by Mahmoud al-Rantisi and Mustafa Caner provide detailed analyses of these topics. Specifically, al-Rantisi explores the impact of Yahya Sinwar’s martyrdom on the Palestinian resistance and the Hamas movement, offering also an analysis of how Israel consistently misunderstands the mindset of the Palestinian resistance, a dynamic that is expected to persist in the future. Furthermore, Mustafa Caner’s commentary focuses on Iran-Israel relations, examining Iran’s policy toward Israel through historical, strategic, and contemporary lenses. The analysis delves into Iran’s strategic calculations and the balancing actions and mechanisms it has employed in the post-October 7 period to avert a full-scale war in the region. Two additional research articles focusing on Iran are also included in this issue. The first, by Hakkı Uygur, offers a detailed and significant analysis of the evolution and institutionalization of Iran’s intelligence apparatus, including the internal dynamics and developments among its intelligence agencies. The second article, by Yousof Qorashi, examines the efforts of Iran and India to expand their influence in Central Asia, highlighting how the U.S. has not only obstructed these ambitions but also hindered cooperation between the two states. This issue also addresses developments in Iraq, Azerbaijan, and Afghanistan. First, Mohamad Hassan Soueidan’s article highlights two major projects in Iraq: the Grand Faw Port and the Dry Canal. According to the author, these initiatives, which aim to connect Iraq with Europe through Türkiye and Syria, have the potential to transform Iraq’s role in global trade and reshape its economic landscape. Second, Shamkhal Abilov, Natıg Abdullayev, and Eldar Hamzalı shed light on the Sumgait events of 1988 and the Khojaly massacre of 1992, focusing on Russia’s involvement in both cases. Furthermore, their analysis also examines whether Azerbaijan and Armenia demonstrate tendencies of denialism when comparing these events. Third, Shahid Ahmed Afridi uses Afghanistan as a case study, employing post-structuralism to deconstruct the theoretical foundations of the “liberal peace” order. He critically examines the U.S. peacebuilding framework in Afghanistan, offering fresh insights into its limitations and implications. Last but not least, this issue of Insight Turkey features a commentary that examines the implications of the forthcoming Trump Administration for the global order. Written by Kılıç Buğra Kanat, the commentary provides a detailed analysis of the potential policies of the new administration toward key global actors, including Russia, China, and the Middle East. As we bid farewell to another year, Insight Turkey proudly concludes its 26th year of publication, marked by impactful and comprehensive analyses of Turkish foreign policy and regional developments. As we prepare to embark on a new year, we are excited to bring fresh topics, innovative perspectives, and in-depth insights to our readers. We extend our heartfelt gratitude to all our readers for their continued support and engagement. We look forward to your continued readership and invite you to join us on this journey as we explore the evolving dynamics of our world in the year ahead.

As 2024 concludes, it stands as a culmination of the seismic shifts and tensions that have tested the very foundations of the international system. Amid unprecedented developments, Türkiye reaffirmed its role as an established and prominent player, embodying a foreign policy that is multilayered, multiaxial, and multidimensional, even as the international system was constantly tested. At its core, Türkiye’s foreign policy approach is humanitarian, earning it the reputation of being the guardian of the vulnerable and the protector of the voiceless. Beyond the ongoing genocide in Gaza, the international system witnessed defining moments such as the abrupt death of Iran’s top officials in a helicopter crash and the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime in Syria. The re-election of Donald Trump as President of the United States further underscored the year’s unpredictability. Additionally, elections in approximately 70 countries, encompassing half the world’s population, saw incumbent parties faltering under public dissatisfaction with economic disruptions and the lingering effects of the pandemic, paving the way for far-right populist movements. The return of Trump signaled a marked shift in U.S. foreign policy. His expected “America First! 2.0” protectionist stance and tax cuts raised concerns about the future of multilateralism and global trade, leaving European countries bracing for potential economic ramifications. Meanwhile, the ousting of Assad, after decades of autocratic rule marked by atrocities committed against civilians, signaled the end of an era and the beginning of a new dawn for Syria, one fraught with both challenges and opportunities for the nation’s future. Nonetheless, on a broader scale, global instability defined the year 2024. In Europe, domestic crises resulted in governmental collapses in Germany and France, while South Korea experienced significant political turmoil following a failed attempt to impose martial law. The ongoing war in Ukraine and the genocide in Gaza further strained the international system, exposing the fragility of democratic institutions and the continued erosion of multilateral norms. These profound challenges underscore the pressing need for a reimagined and resilient global governance framework capable of addressing the complexities of an increasingly volatile World. As it has always been a pivotal actor in promoting regional stability and peace, Türkiye continued to assume a leading role in efforts to stabilize the region. With Assad’s regime toppled, Ankara positioned itself as a key player in Syria’s reconstruction including plans to provide electricity and collaborate on hydrocarbon projects, signaling Türkiye’s intent to integrate Syrian energy infrastructure into its sphere. Concurrently, Türkiye brought to the table initiatives for a maritime demarcation agreement with Syria, reinforcing Ankara’s leadership in regional stability. Relations with Israel reached a critical point amidst Türkiye’s unequivocal condemnation of the genocide in Gaza. Since the Operation al-Aqsa Flood, Israeli aggression has resulted in over 44,000 civilian casualties, including more than 16,000 children, 105,000 injured and with many others facing famine, sickness, and a lack of essential resources under relentless bombardment. Türkiye, under the leadership of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, has consistently advocated for a two-state solution to ensure dignity and freedom for the Palestinian people, while persistently calling for an end to the ongoing genocide. However, the global community, including many of the world’s “so-called” democracies, failed to support Türkiye’s peace proposals and calls for halting the genocide. Despite this, Türkiye’s principled stance resonated at the United Nations Headquarters, the Security Council, and across the globe. In November, Türkiye severed all its diplomatic ties with Israel, a decisive move that underscored its strong alignment with international law, humanitarian principles, and moral values, prompted by Israel’s unwillingness to end the genocide in Gaza. In 2024, Türkiye’s humanitarian diplomacy continued its longstanding expansion beyond its immediate neighborhood. In Africa, Ankara further reinforced its influence through ongoing mediation efforts, infrastructure investments, and cultural diplomacy. By exporting cutting-edge drone technology, Türkiye has bolstered its strategic foothold. Simultaneously, educational scholarships and media outreach have bolstered Türkiye’s position as an equal partner, emphasizing cooperation in contrast to the traditional asymmetric approaches of ex-colonial Western powers toward the region. As a result of Türkiye’s multiaxial foreign policy, Ankara adeptly balanced its NATO commitments with independent initiatives, reflecting its ability to navigate the complexities of an evolving global order. Türkiye’s multiaxial approach, engaging with both the West and East, as well as the North and South, demonstrated a nuanced and adaptive strategy that reinforced its position as a central actor in international relations. This approach allowed Ankara to foster robust relations with key global players across diverse political and economic blocks while maintaining a steadfast commitment to regional and global stability and cooperation. By strategically aligning its defense, diplomatic, and economic policies, Türkiye advanced its influence and credibility on the global stage, showcasing its ability to contribute to resolving international challenges and ensuring a balanced and inclusive approach to global governance. For Türkiye, 2024 was a year of assertiveness and proactive diplomacy. Leveraging geopolitical shifts, Türkiye amplified its influence on regional and global stages. Its strategic vision seamlessly blended humanitarianism with calculated diplomacy, offering a beacon of hope amid global turbulence. As the world transitions to 2025, Türkiye’s foreign policy underscores the responsibility for redefining her role, standing as a symbol of resilience and inspiration. As the guardian of the vulnerable and the protector of the voiceless, Türkiye remains as a ‘beacon of hope,’ not only for the neighboring region but for the entire world. Within this framework, this issue of Insight Turkey seeks to address many of these topics, offering in-depth analyses to enhance our understanding not only of Turkish foreign policy but also of the regional and global dynamics in which Türkiye plays a pivotal role. In recent years, public diplomacy has become a central pillar of Türkiye’s foreign policy, particularly since the establishment of the Directorate of Communications in 2018. Therefore, understanding Türkiye’s approach to public diplomacy is crucial. In his research article, Oğuz Güner provides a comprehensive analysis of Türkiye’s public diplomacy ecosystem. He delves into its practices, explores the transformative impact of institutionalization, and examines the concept of nation branding as a key component of this evolution. In the same vein, Ali Çiçek and Ali Asker argue that while Türkiye has achieved significant success in its public diplomacy efforts, the time has come for Türkiye and Azerbaijan —united by the deeply rooted concept of “one nation, two states,” reflected in public opinion and their cooperative endeavors— to expand their strategic partnership into the sphere of public diplomacy. Çiçek and Asker explore how Türkiye can share its public diplomacy expertise with Azerbaijan and examine the potential for collaborative public diplomacy initiatives between the two nations. As mentioned earlier, defense continues to be a critical domain in Turkish foreign policy due to its strategic significance. In this context, Recep Şehitoğlu and İbrahim Karataş offer a fresh perspective in their article, arguing that the rise of Türkiye’s defense sector has contributed to establishing a form of Pax Turka in certain conflicts. They suggest that as the Turkish defense industry develops more advanced weaponry, the influence of Pax Turka could become increasingly pronounced, particularly in parts of the region. Their study further predicts that the scope of Pax Turka may expand significantly by the 2030s. The Kurdish Question has long been a pivotal element in Türkiye’s domestic affairs, with significant implications for its foreign policy. While this issue is analyzed in detail regarding the current government’s policies, there is a noticeable gap in the discussion concerning the stance of opposition parties, particularly the CHP. Addressing this gap, Halime Kökçe and Ramazan Akkır’s article examines and compares the policies of two CHP leaders, namely Deniz Baykal and Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu. They argue that during Baykal’s tenure, the CHP’s approach to the Kurdish Question was largely shaped by concerns about protecting the regime. In contrast, under Kılıçdaroğlu, the party’s stance shifted to focus more on the socio-economic challenges faced by Kurds, marking a partial departure from nationalist policies. The growing importance of Türkiye in regional and global affairs has become particularly evident in the context of the Russia-Ukraine war, where it has emerged as a key actor striving to end the conflict through various initiatives. This issue of Insight Turkey focuses on this topic with both a commentary and a research article. Specifically, Barış Çağlar’s commentary emphasizes that the true adversary in the Russia-Ukraine conflict is not any specific nation or faction but the looming threat of nuclear war, arguing that preventing nuclear escalation must be the foremost priority. The author also highlights how Türkiye, by promoting dialogue and facilitating peace negotiations, exemplifies a strategic and alternative approach to conflict resolution, one that seeks not only to prevent further escalation but also to lay the groundwork for lasting peace. On the other hand, Merve Suna Özel Özcan, in her qualitative study, examines the mediating role of militarist and internationalist sentiments in shaping the relationship between the personal values of Turkish society and their attitudes toward the war in Ukraine. This issue of Insight Turkey also places significant emphasis on developments in the Middle East, particularly the events in Palestine and Iran’s policies. Within this framework, the commentaries by Mahmoud al-Rantisi and Mustafa Caner provide detailed analyses of these topics. Specifically, al-Rantisi explores the impact of Yahya Sinwar’s martyrdom on the Palestinian resistance and the Hamas movement, offering also an analysis of how Israel consistently misunderstands the mindset of the Palestinian resistance, a dynamic that is expected to persist in the future. Furthermore, Mustafa Caner’s commentary focuses on Iran-Israel relations, examining Iran’s policy toward Israel through historical, strategic, and contemporary lenses. The analysis delves into Iran’s strategic calculations and the balancing actions and mechanisms it has employed in the post-October 7 period to avert a full-scale war in the region. Two additional research articles focusing on Iran are also included in this issue. The first, by Hakkı Uygur, offers a detailed and significant analysis of the evolution and institutionalization of Iran’s intelligence apparatus, including the internal dynamics and developments among its intelligence agencies. The second article, by Yousof Qorashi, examines the efforts of Iran and India to expand their influence in Central Asia, highlighting how the U.S. has not only obstructed these ambitions but also hindered cooperation between the two states. This issue also addresses developments in Iraq, Azerbaijan, and Afghanistan. First, Mohamad Hassan Soueidan’s article highlights two major projects in Iraq: the Grand Faw Port and the Dry Canal. According to the author, these initiatives, which aim to connect Iraq with Europe through Türkiye and Syria, have the potential to transform Iraq’s role in global trade and reshape its economic landscape. Second, Shamkhal Abilov, Natıg Abdullayev, and Eldar Hamzalı shed light on the Sumgait events of 1988 and the Khojaly massacre of 1992, focusing on Russia’s involvement in both cases. Furthermore, their analysis also examines whether Azerbaijan and Armenia demonstrate tendencies of denialism when comparing these events. Third, Shahid Ahmed Afridi uses Afghanistan as a case study, employing post-structuralism to deconstruct the theoretical foundations of the “liberal peace” order. He critically examines the U.S. peacebuilding framework in Afghanistan, offering fresh insights into its limitations and implications. Last but not least, this issue of Insight Turkey features a commentary that examines the implications of the forthcoming Trump Administration for the global order. Written by Kılıç Buğra Kanat, the commentary provides a detailed analysis of the potential policies of the new administration toward key global actors, including Russia, China, and the Middle East. As we bid farewell to another year, Insight Turkey proudly concludes its 26th year of publication, marked by impactful and comprehensive analyses of Turkish foreign policy and regional developments. As we prepare to embark on a new year, we are excited to bring fresh topics, innovative perspectives, and in-depth insights to our readers. We extend our heartfelt gratitude to all our readers for their continued support and engagement. We look forward to your continued readership and invite you to join us on this journey as we explore the evolving dynamics of our world in the year ahead.

15 Temmuz Sonrası Türkiye | Siyaset, Hukuk, Dış Politika, Güvenlik başlığını taşıyan bu kitap alanında uzman araştırmacı ve akademisyenlerin makalelerini içermektedir. Kitapta 15 Temmuz 2016 darbe girişimi sonrasında Türkiye’de meydana gelen gelişmeler ve değişimler farklı açılardan ele alınmaktadır. 15 Temmuz darbe girişimi Türk siyasi tarihindeki diğer darbe ve darbe girişimlerinden; failinin niteliği, darbeye karşı gösterilen sivil direniş ve elde edilen başarının iç ve dış politikada sağladığı dinamizm açılarından oldukça farklı bir örnek teşkil eder. Darbe girişiminin püskürtülmesinden sonra Türkiye’de siyaset, yargı, dış politika ve güvenlik sahalarında derin dönüşümler yaşanmıştır. 15 Temmuz’dan kısa bir süre sonra referandumla kabul edilen Anayasa değişikliğiyle siyasal sistem değişmiş ve Cumhurbaşkanlığı hükümet sistemine geçilmiştir. İlk defa bu darbe girişiminde sivil iradenin yanında duran yargı, sonrasında hem FETÖ/PDY’ye hem de darbe girişimine karşı etkili bir mücadele yürüterek kısa sürede darbe davalarını sonuçlandırmıştır. Örgüt ile sadece yurt içinde değil yurt dışında da farklı araçlarla mücadele edilmiş; Türkiye Maarif Vakfı, FETÖ’nün en önemli araçlarından biri olan yurt dışı eğitim örgütlenmesine karşı faaliyete geçmiştir. Onlarca yıldır tartışılan TSK’nın yeniden yapılandırılması ve demokratik sivil denetimi ancak bu dönemde mümkün olabilmiş; TSK yurt dışında birçok operasyonu başarılı bir şekilde yürütürken yurt içindeki terör varlığını da sıfıra yaklaştırmıştır. Türkiye dış politikada çıkarlarının olduğu bütün alanlarda büyük bir otonomi kazanmıştır. Kitapta bütün bu konular uzman isimler tarafından tarihsel bir perspektifle analiz edilmiştir.

President Erdoğan’s statement in March 2024, “neither the world is the old world nor Türkiye is the old Türkiye”, encapsulates the essence of the Century of Türkiye vision, which aims to transform Türkiye in accordance with both internal and external requirements. Over the past two decades of AK Party rule, Türkiye has achieved remarkable and enduring progress across its social, cultural, political, and economic spheres. Freed from various forms of tutelage, Türkiye’s democracy has grown stronger, supported by well-functioning institutions. The AK Party pledges to further solidify these democratic gains by drafting a new and democratic constitution. Additionally, Türkiye has made significant advancements in its defense technology and capabilities which are essential in the face of threats posed by various terrorist organizations and the security risks from conflicts near its borders. Türkiye’s regional and global significance has also grown, as it strives for “a fairer world” where human rights, freedom, and dignity are upheld without discrimination, in line with the principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. As President Erdoğan once declared, Türkiye’s “responsibility extends beyond securing our own safety and prosperity. Our strength lies in our resources, actions, and the aid we provide to the afflicted and oppressed worldwide, beginning with our immediate surroundings”. As such, the Century of Türkiye addresses a broad spectrum of domestic and international challenges, aiming for a future where Türkiye stands as a democratic, secure, and prosperous nation, exerting a constructive and influential role on the global stage.

• AK Parti 2023 seçimlerine yirmi bir yıldır iktidarda olan bir parti olarak katılıyor. Türkiye siyasetinin demokratik döneminde bu kadar uzun süre kesintisiz iktidarda kalan bir başka parti yok. Dünya siyaseti açısından bakıldığında ise ülkelerin demokratik yaşamında aynı liderle ve yüksek oy oranları ile iktidarda kalan ve tek başına iktidarını sürdüren parti yok denecek kadar az. Bu açılardan değerlendirildiğinde AK Parti hem Türkiye hem de dünya siyasetinde istisnai özellikleri ile öne çıkmaktadır. Genel, yerel ve cumhurbaşkanı seçimleri ve referandumlarla birlikte on beş seçimi arka arkaya kazanan bir parti, aynı zamanda en yakın rakibi ile arasındaki oy oranı farkını sürekli korumuştur. • AK Parti’nin uzun dönemli iktidarını pekiştiren temel dinamik ise siyasetini inşa ettiği toplumsal sosyolojinin taleplerine, hassasiyetlerine göre siyaset üretmesi ve toplumsal sosyolojinin dönüşümüne göre siyasetini güncelleyebilmesi ile doğrudan ilgilidir. AK Parti’nin uzun dönemli iktidarında, iktidara geldiği dönemdeki seçmenin siyasete bakışında etkili olan siyasal meşruiyet krizi, toplumsal sosyolojiyi ve taban eğilimlerini önceleme, siyasetin normalleştirilmesi ve çoğullaşmasına katkı, direnç siyasetlerini devreye sokulan reformlarla aşma, krizle mücadele ve sorun çözme siyaseti, siyasal öğrenme ve pragmatik siyaset, karizmatik siyasi liderliğin etrafında birleşme, hizmet ve yatırım siyasetini önceleme ve başarılı dış politika pratikleri gibi temalar belirleyici olmuştur. Elinizdeki kitapta AK Parti ve Türkiye’nin dönüşümü, bütüncül bir bakış açısıyla ve çok boyutlu bir yaklaşımla alanda uzman akademisyenler tarafından derinlemesine analiz edilmektedir.