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This book examines the role of messianism in Zionist ideology, from the birth of the Zionist movement through to the present. Is shows how messianism is not just a religious or philosophical term but a very tangible political practice and theology which has shaped Israeli identity. The author explores key issues such as: the current presence of messianism in the Israeli public sphere and the debates with jewish settlers in the occupied territories after the 1967 war the difference between transcendental messianism and promethean messianism the disparity between the political ideology and political practice in the history of Israel the evolution of the messianic idea in the actions of David Ben-Gurion the debate between Martin Buber, Gershom Scholem, Isaiah Leibowitz, J. L. Talmon and other intellectual figures with Ben-Gurion the implications of political theology and the presence of messianic ideas in Israeli politics As the first book to examine the messianism in Israeli debate since the creation of the Israeli state, it will be particularly relevant for students and scholars of Political Science, modern intellectual history, Israel studies, Judaism and messianism.

"Historical Comparative Law and Comparative Legal History Legal history and comparative law overlap in important respects. This is more apparent with the use of some methods for comparison, such as legal transplant, natural law, or nation building. M.N.S. Sellers nicely portrayed the relationship. The past is a foreign country, its people strangers and its laws obscure.... No one can really understand her or his own legal system without leaving it first, and looking back from the outside. The comparative study of law makes one's own legal system more comprehensible, by revealing its idiosyncrasies. Legal history is comparative law without travel. Legal historians, perhaps especially in the United States, have been skeptical about the possibility of a fruitful comparative legal history, preferring in general to investigate the distinctiveness of their national experience. Comparatists, however, content with revealing or promoting similarities or differences between legal systems, by their nature strive toward comparison. Some American historians, especially since World War II, see the value in this"--

<strong><p>American Despots</strong></p> <p>Amazing low sale price in defense of authentic freedom as versus the presidency that betrayed it! </p> <p>Everyone seems to agree that brutal dictators and despotic rulers deserve scorn and worse. But why have historians been so willing to overlook the despotic actions of the United States' own presidents? You can scour libraries from one end to the other and encounter precious few criticisms of America's worst despots. </p><p> The founders imagined that the president would be a collegial leader with precious little power who constantly faced the threat of impeachment. Today, however, the president orders thousands of young men and women to danger and death in foreign lands, rubber stamps regulations that throw enterprises into upheaval, controls the composition of the powerful Federal Reserve, and manages the priorities millions of swarms of bureaucrats that vex the citizenry in every way. <p> It is not too much of a stretch to say that the president embodies the Leviathan state as we know it. Or, more precisely, it is not an individual president so much as the very institution of the presidency that has been the major impediment of liberty. The presidency as the founders imagined it has been displaced by democratically ratified serial despotism. And, for that reason, it must be stopped. <p> Every American president seems to strive to make the historians' A-list by doing big and dramatic things—wars, occupations, massive programs, tyrannies large and small—in hopes of being considered among the "greats" such as Lincoln, Wilson, and FDR. They always imagine themselves as honored by future generations: the worse their crimes, the more the accolades. <p> Well, the free ride ends with <em>Reassessing the Presidency: The Rise of the Executive State and the Decline of Freedom</em>, edited by John Denson.<p> This remarkable volume (825 pages including index and bibliography) is the first full-scale revision of the official history of the U.S. executive state. It traces the progression of power exercised by American presidents from the early American Republic up to the eventual reality of the power-hungry Caesars which later appear as president in American history. Contributors examine the usual judgments of the historical profession to show the ugly side of supposed presidential greatness. <img src="http://images.mises.org/presfat.jpg" align="left"> <P>The mission inherent in this undertaking is to determine how the presidency degenerated into the office of American Caesar. Did the character of the man who held the office corrupt it, or did the power of the office, as it evolved, corrupt the man? Or was it a combination of the two? Was there too much latent power in the original creation of the office as the Anti-Federalists claimed? Or was the power externally created and added to the position by corrupt or misguided men? </P> <p> There's never been a better guide to everything awful about American presidents. No, you won't get the civics text approach of see no evil. Essay after essay details depredations that will shock you, and wonder how American liberty could have ever survived in light of the rule of these people. <P>Contributors include George Bittlingmayer, John V. Denson, Marshall L. DeRosa, Thomas J. DiLorenzo, Lowell Gallaway, Richard M. Gamble, David Gordon, Paul Gottfried, Randall G. Holcombe, Hans-Hermann Hoppe, Jeffrey Rogers Hummel, Michael Levin, Yuri N. Maltsev, William Marina, Ralph Raico, Joseph Salerno, Barry Simpson, Joseph Stromberg, H. Arthur Scott Trask, Richard Vedder, and Clyde Wilson. </P>

Explores how the Virginia School developed an economics for natural equals in which consent is critical for policy.

The goal of this book is to define Sustainable Value Creation in terms of a set of principles that differentiate it from existing definitions of CSR, and from related concepts such as sustainability and business ethics. To internalize these ten principles is to understand how the firm can respond to stakeholder needs to optimize value creation over the medium to long term. Ultimately, this second edition book aims to reform both business practice and business education. By building a theory that redefines CSR as central to the value creation process, the ten principles of Sustainable Value Creation redefine how firms approach each of their operational functions, but also how these subjects should be taught in universities worldwide. As such, this book will hopefully be of value to instructors as a complement to their teaching, students as a guide in their education, and managers as a framework to help them respond to the complex, dynamic context that they are expected to navigate every day. This book is a manifesto for success in today’s complex, dynamic business environment. The book is designed as an easy-to-digest, critical introductory text to CSR. With supporting online teaching resources, it is aimed primarily at the MBA and Executive MBA market, and for CSR, sustainability, and business ethics courses taught by instructors skeptical of existing definitions and organizing principles of CSR, sustainability, or business ethics.

This bold new book offers an exhaustive diagnosis of global capitalism. Proposing a novel system of economic and political coordination based on a combination of market socialism and state planning, it offers crucial insights for thinking about alternatives to capitalism.

* 41 in-depth essays cover current economic theory and applied economics in a single, comprehensive volume * Interfaces section considers economics as it relates to other disciplines * Extensive notes, bibliographies and suggestions for further reading; detailed index of Topics and People `A treasure-house of stimulating argument and vast amounts of, mostly, well marshalled information. The market for general survey volumes, while already crowded, should surely find room for this offering.' - The World Economy `The work under review scores very high marks.' - The Economic Journal `The chapters are written by people who are excellently qualified and frequently well-known in their field ... The book's strengths lie in the range of contributors, the very high quality of most of the contributors and its emphasis on applied economics. For these reasons alone it is an important book, which will be invaluable both to students and to economists wishing to learn about developments in other branches of their discipline.' - Economica

This book focuses on the graduate education of a small group of economists—those at elite schools. It is intended for three audiences: aspiring economists, economists, and the lay public. The book reports conversations with MIT, Harvard, Chicago, and Columbia students.

This book provides a full-length examination of the political theories and principles and democratic values underlying current election law debates and the regulation of political campaigns and participants in the United States. Topics covered range from campaign finance reform, voting rights, reapportionment and ballot access to the rights of political parties, the media and other players in the system. The study challenges much of the current debate in election law and argues for more discussion and development of a democratic political theory to support and guide election law jurisprudence.